Towards Religious Peace In Nigeria -By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba

It was almost a case of fire on the mountain, run, run, run. The Christian genocide controversy emerged as the dominant, most discussed, most contested subject in the public space, in the past eight weeks. It beat the sensational rumours of a coup plot to the background. Even 2027 political stories were partially eclipsed in the surge and stridency of comments. Official presidency spokespersons, civil society groups, ruling party loyalists, religious organisations, pro – state religion lobby, politicians in search of cheap popularity, defenders of religious supremacy, all came out forcefully on the contentious subject. The heated exchanges on whether there has been genocide against Christians in Nigeria were revealing. They offered more than glimpses into the sensibility religious practice evokes in Nigeria. The face – off has once again shown how easily mismanagement of religion polarises Nigerian society. But even more revealing was the alarm triggered by the
prospect of United States/European sanctions on Nigeria. Those who denied that organised religious killings have taken place in the country went further to accuse others who saw the matter differently of unpatriotism. This reaction speaks of a sense of panic. The outright denials of religious persecution seem primarily intended to stave off sanctions.

The knee – jerk responses implicitly acknowledge the grievous consequences that would follow a religious crisis in Nigeria.

Although liberal perceptions of the dispute by some Christian voices may have blunted the prism of Christian persecution, the effect can only be temporary. Vatican Secretary of State, Pietro Parolin, Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Mathew Hassan Kukah, and President, Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, Wale Oke all took the moderated stance that the violence by non state actors ravaging the north and south of Nigeria has made victims of both Christians and Muslims. This description locates the cause of the violence in social, ethnic and governmental dimensions. This indistinct analysis is both disagreeable to popular Christian attitude and at odds with established patterns of the attacks. Not surprisingly, cantankerous Islamist, Ishaq Akintola, hailed the exoneration of a jihadist plot by Christian voices. Interestingly, Kukah had in 2022 interpreted the violence as assault against Christians by Fulani herdsmen. The effort to avoid the term genocide is appreciated. It’s probably informed by a decision to emphasise solution rather than indictment. De-escalation however, does not change the facts, and the facts define the problem.

It should be stated clearly that incidences involving both Christian and Muslim casualties does not remove the agenda of Christian genocide. The Muslim community has not made an outcry of existential threats. Their exposure to the killings and destruction of the past two decades is different from the experience of Christians. A peculiar antagonism has been associated with the onslaught on Christians. It’s an assault not merely motivated by intolerance and disdain for Christianity but fuelled by pride in Islamic triumphalism. Accordingly, the two dissimilar encounters cannot be regarded or treated as the same narrative.

A common feature of the bloody invasion of Christian communities, sanctuaries such as Churches, rectories, seminaries has been the chant of “Allah akhba” to the bangs of violence. That battle cry is internationally recognised as jihad oriented. The jihadist chant has regularly accompanied killer – herdsmen attacks on farming communities. These operations have been severe in Plateau and Benue States as well as parts of Niger and southern Kaduna States. Intensified strikes in Benue and Plateau States are notorious by their regularity, viciousness, scale of destruction and land seizures. Benue and Plateau States are particularly attractive for two reasons. First, for their geographic and agricultural riches respectively. The second obsession with the two States stems from the implications of their
demographics. Geo – politically classified as north central, their quest for independent identity is traced to Christian – dominated populations. Enthusiasts of an Islamic caliphate do not like this and seek to alter the demography. Continued attempts at seizure of ancestral lands is not merely to find pasture for land. The patterns of aggression fit a script of ethno – religious cleansing.

Regional Chairman, Church of Christ in Nations, Rev Ezekiel Dachomo recently released a video of killings by suspected Fulani militants in Heipang and Fan districts of Plateau State. “I made the video for record – keeping so that future generations will be able to see how we were terrorised and persecuted. The video is also evidence that a Christian genocide is going on in the north.” Online newspaper, Daily Post, October 25, 2025, further quoted the clergy from Plateau State as saying that his life had come under threat for making the revelations. On Benue State, we have the authoritative account of Catholic Bishop of Makurdi Diocese, Wilfred Anagbe. “The attacks are targeted at Christian indigenous groups in Nigeria. They’re doing this systematically’ the bishop told _The_ _CatholicThing_ , February 1, 2024. As recently as September 11, 2025, Anagbe submitted: “The accurate word to describe the situation is genocide. The total elimination of the Christian population is underway. They change the names of villages to Arabic names. In the State of Benue where my diocese is located, 98 percent of the population is Christian and it has become one of the most dangerous. The attackers are foreign Muslims who destroy Churches, kill defenceless residents, and expel others (https://zenit.org).” Details of the massacres are too harrowing to reproduce.

No less harmful to the cause of a united, peaceful and just federation are the non – violent forms of Islamisation agenda. The adoption of Sharia as legal code by some States in the north is in conflict with the letters and spirit of Nigeria’s Constitution. Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution (amended) prohibits the elevation of any faith as state religion. Section 38 guarantees right to freedom of thought and religion while Section 42 prohibits discrimination against any citizen on ground of religious conviction. These provisions define Nigeria as a multi religious State. The combined effect of these provisions is not merely the principle of State neutrality; they behove the State to ensure that all religions have equal rights and freedom to practice their faith. Neutrality is replaced with partisanship in Nigeria’s membership of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and other such faith – based associations. Nigeria’s membership constitutes oppression of the country’s population that do not subscribe to Islam. By the same token, the practice of Sharia impedes the freedom of non – adherents. A fundamental conflict exists in the freedom to change one’s religious beliefs enshrined in Section 38 and Sharia’s zero tolerance to renunciation of Islam. A Christian who chooses to sell alcohol cannot do so in a Sharia – ruled State. Nor can the propensity for human rights violations be ignored.

A sense of religious supremacy inspires persecution of other religions. And this is true of the Nigerian situation. At some point, under Nigeria’s most parochial government, the three service chiefs, chief of defence staff and inspector general of Police were all Muslims. Unapologetic, Mohammadu Buhari saw his scandalous appointments as a show of power. His provincial presidency, had by that trend of political patronage, sent out a message about religious hegemony. Such level of discrimination was sufficient to bring bigots acting religious supremacy in the streets. In December 2024, as Christians prepared to celebrate the incarnation of Christ, an imam
placed a banner in front of a mosque in Lekki, Lagos with the toxic words “Jesus is not God.” A sub note below further screamed: “He was a prophet and messenger of God.” Following public backlash, the initial banner was replaced two days later with a recast of the same revisionism. The new banner read: “Allah is the Lord of Jesus Christ.” It takes an entitlement mentality to poke these fingers of provocation in the eyes of a faith. What would happen if a Christian made such deliberate mockery of Islam in Nigeria? For a harmless opinion that a class WhatsApp group be free of religious stuff and restricted to academics, Deborah Samuel was hunted down and lynched to death in 2022 in Sokoto. When will the suspects, captured in viral videos, be tried for murder? In 2016, Pastor Eunice Olawale was stabbed to death in Kubwa, Abuja as she preached Christ’s sacrificial death and resurrection. Who is enraged by the proclamation that Christ is God?

The surprise and worry, then, is why we’re not more careful, more sensitive, just and fair in handling religious disputes. Why do the authorities allow religious crisis to fester, knowing that not addressing them complicates matters? Now that Government appears to be engaging the problem, it should not be one of fire brigade approach. Government’s interest should move from controlling the narrative to upholding the Constitution. What has been lacking is firmness and fairness in applying the laws. Among other measures, agenda for religious peace should include restoration of lands usurped by invaders; punishment for murder, arson and desecration of places of worship. If all religions are treated equally and citizens’ rights protected, there would not be petitions and outcry. International scrutiny would not arise, let alone, threat of sanctions.