Forgotten Dairies

Washington Must Stop Stalling on Hormuz -By Fransiscus Nanga Roka

Continue the nuclear negotiations on an independent path. While these tougher security questions remain matters for negotiation, stabilization at sea should begin. If a full regional settlement were required first, it would be hard to avoid paralysis.

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To be a superpower, one of its metrics is whether or not your strategy restores security. With commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz stinging under continuing disruption as Washington must rapidly convert military pressure into a credible pact. Delay, wherever avoidable, means that the costs of confrontation are borne by seafarers, businesses and families around the world.

President Donald Trump also dismissed Iran’s offer to reopen the strait on September 26 and stop regional fighting after a week. The proposal by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was made at the behest of Qatar during last month’s United Nations General Assembly in New York. The Iranians want an end to America’s naval blockade, a halt to oil sanctions and access to funds frozen in foreign accounts. Trump made the proposal look as if it’s a sign of Iran isolated and crippling economy.

But desperation is an opportunity for negotiation. If American pressure has yielded leverage, Washington owes it to the world to explain how rejecting this proposal moves an attainable settlement forward. Simply rejecting without having a viable alternative is strategic malpractice.

The United States has to break the dither a ding that is finally where it needed was and take decisions about how to secure the reopening of Hormuz. While Washington can not unilaterally guarantee safe passage but he firmly believes it controls its negotiating position, sanctions decisions and military instructions. Those powers should be put directly to use. The world does not have time to bide its moment for a politically palatable route of an operational commerce channel.

Iran also has to have its coercive restraints removed. Commercial vessels and their crews should not be used as bargaining chips. None of Tehran’s grievances merits imposing non-combatant nations with the burden of its economic implications for its confrontal posture towards Washington.

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Precision still matters: residual vessel movemen means “full closure” underline the available evidence. So Iran’s assertion that it captured an American Remus 600 underwater drone on September 27 should be independently authenticated, too. An unverified account should not have the weight of justification for escalation.

 

Hormuz transported oil comparable to 9–20% of worldwide petroleum fluids use[6] and had around 20% of the worldwide LNG exchange in 2024. Higher energy, freight and insurance costs make disruption undercut food prices, factories and public finances.

The response Washington needs is an immediate, quantifiable one.

Provide a written counteroffer within two days. State reciprocal obligations, verification measures & a deadline for negotiation. Appoint one senior envoy to settle disputes via Qatar & Oman That mandate needs to be undergirded by public messaging.

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Propose a seven-day reopening timetable. Start with mutual restraint regarding civilian shipping, implement military hotlines and organize independent transit assessments. Link aspects of the American blockade gradually being lifted with restoration, in verified contexts, of safe commercial passage. Implementation must follow a timetable, but it should not induce dangerous diversions from the track.

Exchange concessions in monitored stages. Provide temporary, limited sanctions waivers and audited access to joint funds if permitted by the law. Connect every phase to long-lasting compliance Create an accident-investigation system prior to violations

Make reopening operationally credible. Working with coastal states, shipowners, insurers and maritime authorities to determine safe routes for passage and rescue capacity and where appropriate clearance of hazards. Publish verified transit information. A presidential announcement does not replace insurable voyages and protected crews.

Continue the nuclear negotiations on an independent path. While these tougher security questions remain matters for negotiation, stabilization at sea should begin. If a full regional settlement were required first, it would be hard to avoid paralysis.

Finally, harmonise contingency supplies and support to vulnerable importing countries. Escalate calls for the transparent reporting of delays, compliance and civilian costs.

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Washington needs not another Iran deadline but specific timelines for implementation. When I think of good leadership, I mean creating conditions for safe passage and a sustainable diplomatic opening. And until then victory declarations are IOUs that everyone else has to cash.

Fransiscus Nanga Roka

Faculty of Law University 17 August 1945 Surabaya and Managing partner Law Firm Victorious Indonesia

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