The Cry for Help: Why Turaki Must Move His Office to the Street, Lead a Peaceful Democratic Reawakening at the PDP Building in Abuja, and Expose Nigeria’s Journey from Christian Genocide to Political Genocide -By Prof. John Egbeazien Oshodi

The Prophetic Failure and the Visible Collapse of Democratic Trust

On November 18, 2025, I warned that the Nigerian Police might resort to their old habit of sealing a political building as a tactic for avoiding tough decisions. I cautioned that if the Police sealed the PDP National Headquarters rather than enforce the will of the party convention, they would abandon neutrality and plunge the nation into deeper crisis. That warning was not theoretical; it was drawn from years of observing institutional avoidance, political intimidation, and psychological manipulation within Nigerian governance.

Barely twenty-four hours later, on November 19, 2025, Vanguard News confirmed the prediction. Armed Police operatives sealed Wadata Plaza, the lawful headquarters of the PDP, transforming a party leadership issue into a full-scale state assault on democratic process. The prophecy became reality almost instantly.

Nigeria is now experiencing two overlapping national agonies. The first is Christian Genocide, marked by consistent attacks on churches, clergy, rural Christian communities, and faith-based institutions across multiple states. The second is Political Genocide, the systematic destruction of democratic life through the coordinated actions of the Police, Judiciary, Presidency, and elements of the Print Media. Together, these twin pressures have pushed the nation into a condition where the Last of Trust between the people and the state has collapsed completely.

The Cry for Help: The Chairman’s Clarified Appeal to Trump and the World

In the middle of this growing breakdown, the newly elected PDP Chairman, Kabiru Tanimu Turaki, SAN, made a symbolic appeal to former U.S. President Donald Trump. As with many truths in Nigerian politics, this cry for help was quickly distorted by some local media outlets, forcing the Chairman to clarify that he was not calling for soldiers, weapons, or interventionist force. He was making a moral and political appeal to the global community through one of the world’s most visible figures.

The Chairman explained that Nigeria’s internal mechanisms for justice have collapsed. He stated that when opposition parties are silenced by the Police and cannot depend on the courts for fairness, the global community must be alerted. In his words and actions, he underscored that Trump is needed now more than ever, not as a military figure, but as a global amplifier capable of bringing international scrutiny to a government that appears determined to suffocate democratic expression.

He argued that what is happening in Nigeria is not simply political intimidation. It mirrors the pattern of Christian Genocide in which victims cry out for help when their attackers are shielded by silence and protected by state inaction. The same structural abandonment that has allowed Christian communities to be targeted now allows democratic institutions to be targeted. This dual trauma is why he used the term Political Genocide. It captures a situation where all internal escape routes are blocked and the only avenue left is a cry to the conscience of the world.

The Chairman’s appeal was therefore not a misstep. It was a strategic and necessary act born from the realization that Nigeria’s democracy is under coordinated internal attack, and international visibility may be the last protective force available.

The Captured System: Why Courts, Police, and the Print Media Cannot Be Trusted

The PDP leadership’s conclusion is accurate: the entire system is captured. Opposition parties are not competing politically; they are being silenced administratively. The Police do not mediate disputes; they enforce the preferences of powerful individuals. The Judiciary does not reflect independence; it reflects a hierarchy that aligns itself with political pressure. Portions of the Print Media do not investigate truth; they reproduce narratives that shield those already holding state power.

In such a reality, opposition parties cannot depend on the courts for justice, because the courts have become an extension of political strategy. They cannot depend on the Police for protection, because the Police have become instruments of intimidation. They cannot depend on the Print Media to tell their story, because key outlets have chosen alliances over truth.

This is exactly how Christian Genocide advanced: citizens cried out for help, but the local guardians of justice were too compromised, too politicized, or too afraid to act. The same structural blindness that failed Christian communities is now failing Nigeria’s democratic community. The state ignored the cries of the faithful; it is now ignoring the cries of the political minority.

This fusion of state silence and institutional aggression forms the basis of Political Genocide. It is a systematic suffocation of a people’s political existence through institutions that were designed to protect them but are now used to contain them. This is why the Chairman’s appeal to Trump and the international world was both timely and unavoidable.

The Captured System: When Even Sitting Governors Are Tear-Gassed and the Presidency Remains Silent

The collapse of Nigeria’s democratic institutions has become painfully visible to the entire world. The Police, whose constitutional obligation is to protect citizens and uphold neutrality, have now crossed a line so severe that no democratic society can ignore it. In the midst of the PDP crisis, the Nigerian Police Force tear-gassed not only party members but also two sitting governors and the newly elected PDP National Chairman. This act was not just a violation of lawful political expression; it was a direct assault on the dignity of elected state officials.

The world watched as governors—men with constitutional mandates, elected by millions—were dispersed like criminals for attempting to enter their own party headquarters. Not long ago, such treatment would have been reserved only for protesters in authoritarian regimes. Today, it is happening openly in Nigeria, on the streets of Abuja, in front of cameras, and without shame.

More disturbing is the silence from the Presidency. At a moment when leadership demanded immediate intervention, President Tinubu did not come out to condemn the excesses of the Police, did not call for restraint, and did not reassure Nigerians that their democracy was still alive. His refusal to respond swiftly sent a clear message: the state has made its choice, and the target is not insecurity, kidnappings, or collapsing communities—it is the opposition.

This is how Political Genocide announces itself. It does not begin with tanks or soldiers on the streets. It begins with the normalization of institutional cruelty, the weaponization of security agencies, and the silencing of legal political actors. It begins when governors are tear-gassed for standing on the soil of their own party headquarters. It begins when a President remains silent in the face of democratic humiliation. It begins when the Police treat constitutional stake-holders as enemies while treating bandits with caution and distance.

In the same way Christian Genocide grew from silence, neglect, and slow abandonment, this new Political Genocide is growing through selective oppression, targeted intimidation, and the deliberate weakening of political pluralism. The violation of governors and the chairman is not a local incident—it is a national warning.

The Twenty-Four-Hour Ultimatum: Forcing a Constitutional Reckoning

To re-establish democratic space, Chairman Turaki must issue a clear ultimatum to the Nigerian Police Force:

“The Nigerian Police have twenty-four hours to unseal Wadata Plaza and restore access to the lawfully elected National Working Committee. Failure to comply will be treated as an endorsement of undemocratic behavior and a direct assault on the constitutional rights of the Nigerian people.”

This ultimatum forces the Police to choose between institutional duty and political obedience. If they comply, the democratic order gains breathing space. If they refuse, the PDP earns moral justification to escalate peaceful resistance.

The ultimatum shifts the burden to the state, compelling it to reveal its true intentions regarding multiparty democracy.

The Outdoor Secretariat: Peaceful Re-Occupation as a Constitutional Weapon

If the Police refuse to reopen the headquarters after the twenty-four-hour window, the PDP must activate the strategy of peaceful, non-violent re-occupation.

First, Chairman Kabiru Tanimu Turaki, SAN, must issue a national call across all states of the Federation. He must call on PDP members, ward leaders, youth wings, women organizations, state chairmen, local government officials, elders, pro-democracy groups, and every willing supporter to immediately travel to Abuja. If Wadata Plaza remains sealed, Abuja must become the constitutional gathering ground for all defenders of democratic space. This is not simply a political mobilization; it is a civic summons, grounded in the right of Nigerians to assemble freely and defend their mandate.

Second, the National Working Committee must physically relocate its official operations to the sealed gates of Wadata Plaza. Desks, chairs, files, laptops, printers, food, water, and essential documents must be brought openly and confidently. The Outdoor Secretariat must be established in full public view, transforming the street into a living symbol of constitutional endurance.

Third, once the NWC begins work outdoors, they must request Police protection. The same officers who sealed the headquarters must now be asked to safeguard the party leadership as they work under the open sky. This reversal forces the Police to confront their own contradictions and exposes whether they serve the law or serve political command.

Fourth, the entire re-occupation must be livestreamed. Thousands of phones, cameras, and drones must capture the event. Nigerians across the world must see their fellow citizens peacefully reclaiming democratic space. The international community must witness that the opposition party of Africa’s largest democracy is being forced to govern from the pavement because state institutions have chosen repression over constitutionality.

In this historic moment, the Chairman’s nationwide call becomes the heartbeat of the movement. If the headquarters remains unsealed, then Abuja must rise. If the gates remain locked, the streets must open. If the Police refuse access, the people must provide legitimacy. This is how peaceful civic re-occupation becomes a constitutional weapon rather than a political uproar.

The National Security Breakdown: Churches Under Fire and Schoolgirls Taken

While the government deploys its security forces against the opposition, Nigerians continue to suffer from violent insecurity. On November 19, 2025, ABC News reported that armed attackers stormed a church in Eruku, Kwara State, killing worshippers and kidnapping the pastor and several congregants during service. Residents fled into nearby bushes for safety.

Just days earlier, twenty-five schoolgirls were abducted in Kebbi State during a pre-dawn attack by heavily armed bandits. The Police issued statements, but Nigerians know that statements do not save lives, secure classrooms, or protect communities.

These incidents form part of a long pattern of faith-targeted violence and mass kidnappings that Nigerians increasingly describe as Christian Genocide. Yet, the same government that cannot stop bandits with sophisticated weapons was able to efficiently seal the PDP headquarters. This contradiction reveals a nation where citizen security is secondary and political control is primary.

The Moral Moment: Confronting a Government More Focused on Elections than Lives 

At this painfully decisive moment, Nigerians must boldly question why an administration facing widespread insecurity appears more interested in controlling the next election cycle than protecting the lives of its citizens. The government continues to tolerate the actions of Nyesom Wike, who, despite being expelled by his own party, still exerts influence over the Police and Judiciary to destabilize the opposition.

This behavior illustrates a deeper illness: the state’s willingness to sacrifice national stability for political ambition. When government institutions are used to crush opponents rather than protect citizens, Political Genocide becomes a living reality.

Nigeria cannot survive if political power takes precedence over human life and constitutional fairness. The PDP must step into a historic role: not just as an opposition party, but as the last guardian of democratic survival.

A peaceful, visible, and resolute re-occupation is no longer optional. It is the only remaining defense for the party, and by extension, for the entire Republic.

A Painful Therapeutic Conclusion: A Nation at the Edge of Its Soul

Nigeria is standing at a dangerous intersection of trauma and denial. We are not only witnessing Christian genocide across vulnerable communities, but also witnessing Political genocide unfolding in the capital. One targets the body of the people, the other targets the democratic soul of the nation. Both are devastating. Both are preventable. Both are being ignored by those who swore to protect life and liberty.

This writer belongs to no political party in Nigeria. I do not speak for the PDP, APC, LP, SDP, NNPP, or any group seeking electoral advantage. I speak as a psychologist, as a native son of this country, and as someone who still believes that the spiritual and democratic dignity of Nigeria must be defended wherever it is threatened. I am not paid for these words, and I carry no partisan allegiance. My only loyalty is to truth, justice, and the people whose voices are being drowned by fear, silence, and power.

What is happening now is not normal politics. It is a psychological injury to the nation, a deepening of generational trauma, a distortion of national memory, and a betrayal of the hopes of millions. When the Police seal opposition buildings but fail to protect citizens from bandits, when courts cannot be trusted to defend fairness, and when Christian communities suffer violence without meaningful intervention, then the wounds are no longer political; they become national scars.

Nigeria must not continue down this path. Democracy must grow. Democratic space must be protected. Every Nigerian must feel safe to speak, gather, worship, organize, and disagree without fear of state punishment. If peaceful action fails, darkness follows. If the people retreat, intimidation expands. If justice sleeps, power becomes reckless.

This is why the call to Abuja matters. This is why the chairman’s cry for help to the world matters. This is why the moral burden now rests on every Nigerian who still believes this country deserves a future larger than the ambitions of a few individuals.

Nigeria is crying for help, for healing, and for courage. And in this painful moment, the truth must be said: the nation cannot survive Christian genocide in the villages and Political genocide in the capital. One destroys communities. The other destroys the Republic. Both must end.

And let it be stated clearly, though indirectly: I do not subscribe to the idea of a Trump-led military intervention into Nigeria, nor do I support any foreign army stepping onto our soil. But if the international community eventually decides to intervene in any form—which the growing instability sadly makes increasingly imaginable—its focus must be precise, lawful, and morally sound. It should target terrorist enclaves that the government has failed to dismantle, sanction corrupt officials who loot the nation while citizens suffer, and place firm restrictions on those who use state power to suppress opposition, intimidate citizens, or weaponize security institutions against dissent. Intervention should be directed at ending violence, not enabling new forms of it; at stopping impunity, not strengthening authoritarianism.

May Nigerians rise peacefully to reclaim the dignity of their democracy, and may this land, my place of birth, finally learn the meaning of justice that protects all, and not just the powerful.

About the Author

Prof. John Egbeazien Oshodi is an American psychologist and educator with expertise in forensic, legal, clinical, cross-cultural psychology, public ethical policy, police, and prison science.

A native of Uromi, Edo State, Nigeria, and the son of a 37-year veteran of the Nigeria Police Force, he has devoted his professional life to bridging psychology with justice, education, and governance. In 2011, he pioneered the introduction of advanced forensic psychology in Nigeria through the National Universities Commission and Nasarawa State University, where he served as Associate Professor of Psychology.

He currently serves as contributing faculty in the Doctorate in Clinical and School Psychology at Nova Southeastern University; teaches in the Doctorate Clinical Psychology, BS Psychology, and BS Tempo Criminal Justice programs at Walden University; and lectures virtually in Management and Leadership Studies at Weldios University and ISCOM University. He is also the President and Chief Psychologist at the Oshodi Foundation, Center for Psychological and Forensic Services, United States.

Prof. Oshodi is a Black Republican in the United States, but his allegiance is to justice alone. On every issue he addresses, he speaks for no one and represents no side—his voice is guided purely by the pursuit of justice, good governance, democracy, and Africa’s advancement. He is the founder of Psychoafricalysis (Psychoafricalytic Psychology)—a culturally grounded framework that integrates African sociocultural realities, historical consciousness, and future-oriented identity. A prolific thinker and writer, he has produced over 500 articles, several books, and numerous peer-reviewed works on Africentric psychology, higher education reform, forensic and correctional psychology, African democracy, and decolonized models of therapy.