The Other Faces of Power Nigerians Rarely Question -By Hashim Yussuf Amao

Whenever hardship tightens its grip on Nigeria, whenever roads collapse, hospitals decay, schools deteriorate, insecurity spreads, unemployment rises, or public infrastructure crumbles, one familiar voice often reverberates. Fingers point towards Aso Rock. The President becomes the sole recipient of public outrage. Social media erupts, radio phone-in programmes become heated, market conversations grow fierce – with all fury directed at the president. Yet, amid the noise, a troubling silence persists around thousands of other elected and appointed public officials whose constitutional responsibilities directly affect the daily lives of Nigerians.

This baffling culture of concentrating accountability solely on the Federal Government has become one of the most damaging political habits in our national life. And the stark truth: Nigeria is not governed by one man, one office, or one tier of government. Nigeria operates a federal system comprising three constitutionally recognised tiers of government: the Federal Government, the State Governments, and the Local Governments. The powers and responsibilities of these tiers are clearly distributed by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended.

Section 4 of the Constitution, alongside the Second Schedule, distributes legislative powers through the Exclusive Legislative List, the Concurrent Legislative List, and residual responsibilities. Matters on the Exclusive Legislative List belong primarily to the Federal Government. These include defence, foreign affairs, immigration, customs, aviation, currency, banking, citizenship, mines and minerals, armed forces, and other national responsibilities. Matters on the Concurrent Legislative List may be addressed by both the Federal and State Governments; they include aspects of education, health, industrial development, and certain areas of economic planning. Residual matters are generally handled by State Governments and Local Governments. Local councils are expected to oversee functions closest to the grassroots, including local roads, markets, motor parks, waste disposal, primary healthcare support, community development, and other local services. This constitutional arrangement was deliberately designed so that governance would not be concentrated in one place. Yet many Nigerians behave and criticize as though only one tier exists.

This mistake is not new. Indeed, it is one of the costly political errors inherited from previous generations. Throughout much of Nigeria’s post-independence history, enormous pressure was directed towards the central government while governors, legislators, ministers, commissioners, local government chairmen, councillors, and other public office holders often escaped the same level of scrutiny. Military administrations, from the eras of Generals Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar and others, further centralised public attention on the federal centre. Even after the return to democratic rule in 1999, the habit persisted.

During the administrations of Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari, and Bola Ahmed Tinubu, national conversations have remained overwhelmingly presidential. Meanwhile, many governors, senators, House of Representatives members, commissioners, state legislators, local government chairmen, councillors, and supervisory councillors have operated far away from public scrutiny.

This imbalance has produced consequences, because corruption flourishes where accountability is absent. Waste survives where oversight is weak. Public office holders become comfortable where citizens are distracted. The result is the Nigeria we see today. Consider insecurity for instance, every attack is blamed on the President. Certainly, the Federal Government bears significant responsibility because defence and national security fall largely within federal jurisdiction. However, many governors receive security votes running into billions of naira annually. These expenditures are often shrouded in secrecy and remain largely beyond public scrutiny. Citizens must ask legitimate questions. How much is being received? How is it being spent? What measurable security outcomes are being achieved? Accountability should not stop at Abuja. It should reach every Government House.

Consider education too, for instance, many primary and secondary schools are under state and local authorities. Numerous public schools across the federation suffer from inadequate classrooms, poor facilities, teacher shortages, and declining standards. Why should citizens direct every complaint towards Abuja while state education ministries escape scrutiny?

Talking of our healthcare, primary healthcare centres fall substantially within state and local government responsibilities. Why should a neglected primary healthcare facility in a rural community automatically become the President’s fault? Our roads too, for instance, while federal roads deserve attention from the Federal Government, countless state and local roads remain under the jurisdiction of governors and local councils. Citizens should know which roads belong to whom. Only then can accountability become meaningful.

Another troubling reality concerns local government administration. For decades, local governments have remained among the weakest institutions in Nigerian governance. In July 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that state governors could no longer withhold allocations meant for local governments and affirmed financial autonomy for the 774 local government areas. The significance of that judgement cannot be overstated. For years, allegations persisted that funds intended for grassroots development were being diverted, delayed, or controlled by state governments. The Supreme Court’s intervention highlighted concerns that had lingered for decades. The irony is painful. The level of government closest to the people often remains the least scrutinised.

Isn’t it funny and troubling that many Nigerians can only name the President, but can’t name their legislators, ministers, commissioners, state honourables. Many do not even know their local government chairmen, let alone the councillors of their wards, yet they drop every single blame at the president’s doorstep m. This ignorance weakens democracy. A citizen can not effectively monitor an official whose existence he does not even recognise. The situation becomes even more alarming when viewed through the lens of public finance.

Following fuel subsidy reforms and exchange-rate adjustments, allocations to states (by the current federal government) has increased significantly compared to previous years, leading to substantial revenue growth for many state governments. Citizens therefore have stronger reasons than ever to demand transparency regarding how these resources are being utilised. Nigerians should begin asking: Where are the projects? Where are the hospitals? Where are the schools? Where are the industries? Where are the jobs? Where are the agricultural investments? Where are the measurable outcomes? These questions should echo not only in Abuja but also in every state capital and every local government headquarters. The same scrutiny must extend to legislators. What bills have your senator sponsored? What motions has your representative moved? What constituency projects have been executed? What oversight functions have been performed? How often do they engage constituents? Many Nigerians know the names of national political figures but cannot identify the lawmakers elected to represent them. That is not democracy. That is political disengagement.

The ancient Chinese philosopher Confucius observed: “The strength of a nation derives from the integrity of the home.” The wisdom applies equally to governance. National progress emerges when accountability exists at every level. This essayist is not giving the federal government a soft landing; the Presidency is important – very. But it must not become so dominant in public consciousness that all other centres of power disappear from view. To reiterate, this argument is not an excuse for the Federal Government – far from it. The Federal Government must remain accountable for every responsibility assigned to it by the Constitution. The President must be scrutinised, but the same goes to the governors, ministers, legislators, commissioners, local government chairmen, councilors. Every public office funded by taxpayers must be subjected to public examination. Hashim Yussuf Amao is the best young writer in Nigeria. His works have appeared in local and international media houses, research reports, magazines, editorials, anthologies, journals, bulletins, and other publications. Nigeria’s democratic future depends on citizens who understand where responsibility lies and who demand performance from every office holder, not merely the most visible one. The road to national renewal will not be paved by selective accountability. It will be paved by universal accountability. When every governor feels watched, when every senator feels monitored, when every commissioner expects questions, when every councillor knows citizens are paying attention, and when every local government chairman understands that excuses will no longer suffice, governance will begin to improve. The Nigeria of our dreams will not emerge from blaming one office. It will emerge from holding every office accountable. This essayist, hereby appeals to Nigerians to stop dropping all burdens at the doorstep of the Presidency alone and to hold every political leader, across divides and across levels, accountable. Only then shall public servants truly hearken to their constitutional responsibilities and deliver the Nigeria for which generations have prayed, hoped, and laboured.

Hashim Yussuf Amao is a socio-political commentator and writes via hashimlegalbard@gmail.com