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Mifepristone Is Now a Test of American Federalism -By Fransiscus Nanga Roka

Contrarily, a Virginia federal court found the opposite regulatory determination. In July, Judge Robert Ballou found the FDA failed to adequately internally rationalize the remaining 2023 certification and acknowledgment requirements, deeming the agency’s findings arbitrary and capricious and remanding the matter for further consideration. A court this week ruled that access is overly broad, another says restrictions are not adequately justified. Patients within a judicial roulette wheel

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The next great abortion battle in America is formally not about whether abortion be constitutional. It is whether one state, one appellate court and one political program may trump federal science and march that triumph across the nation.

Louisiana requests a reversal of FDA rules allowing mifepristone to be prescribed via telemedicine or dispensed in a certified pharmacy or by mail, State of Louisiana v. U.S. Food and Drug Administration. FDA-approved in 2000, the drug is used in two-thirds of US abortions; it also is used for miscarriages. Telemedicine has reportedly been used by over one-quarter of patients to obtain medication-abortion care.

But the critical questions are blunt: Who decides how an approved medicine is distributed scientists or politicians? Who gave Louisiana the right to decide who can access something, in New York, California or Massachusetts? Rural patients, disabled people, military families and domestic-violence survivors shouldn’t have to pay the price for an ideological lawsuit. But how can a court uphold national medical restraints without national democratic accountability?

The Fifth Circuit then stayed that ruling, requiring an in-person dispensing while Louisiana’s appeal continued, but reinstated the requirement on May 1, 2026. Even in states with abortion protections, telemedicine and access to mail delivery and pharmacies would be threatened by that order. The ruling was stayed by the Supreme Court on May 14, which allowed for the status quo to be maintained while litigation over the matter continued. September 9: Oral argument

It is this litigation that ultimately reveals a constitutional tension. Louisiana claims state sovereignty while seeking a national fix that would undermine the sovereignty of other states. It criticizes federal “overreach,” but calls upon federal judges to impose Louisiana’s policy choices from sea to shining sea. That is not federalism. It is ideological conscription.

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The scientific issue is no less perilous. FDA authorities’ access decisions came after long-term safety data and post-market evaluations. Now, 259 members of Congress have urged the Fifth Circuit not to substitute for evidence-based drug regulation its intuitive understanding of how Americans interact with their health care providers. In practice, serious adverse events happen in less than one-third of 1% of cases with mifepristone provided through telehealth, medical amici report.

Contrarily, a Virginia federal court found the opposite regulatory determination. In July, Judge Robert Ballou found the FDA failed to adequately internally rationalize the remaining 2023 certification and acknowledgment requirements, deeming the agency’s findings arbitrary and capricious and remanding the matter for further consideration. A court this week ruled that access is overly broad, another says restrictions are not adequately justified. Patients within a judicial roulette wheel

Louisiana is Unentitled to Nationwide Relief and the Fifth Circuit Should Deny It Congress should firmly protect FDA’s science-based authority and require only reliable evidence, transparency to the public about why the waiver was granted and periodic safety review of waived products. Courts ought to require evidence of actual state injury, vindicate the strictest standing rules they can, and presumptively confine injunctions to the parties before it. In response, states where reproductive care remains protected should strengthen shield laws, bolster telehealth infrastructure and privacy protections, and better facilitate emergency access.

In the end, this case is all about who governs medicine in America. If political plaintiffs can turn one state’s abortion ban into a nationwide rule for the distribution of this crucial medication, then no FDA decision is safe. Today the target is mifepristone. Tomorrow it could be vaccines, contraception, gender affirming medicine or any treatment that a politically powerful state finds unpalatable. With ideology becomes pharmacology in the hands of judges, every prescription ends up being at risk.

Fransiscus Nanga Roka

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Faculty of Law University 17 August 1945 Surabaya and Managing Partner Law Firm Victorious Indonesia

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