Leadership, Zoning & Anambra’s Political History -By Ifeanyichukwu Afuba

Shortly, on March 17, 2026, Anambra State will witness it’s ninth tenure transition since creation of the State in 1991. Professor Charles Soludo’s swearing in on Tuesday, March 17, will mark the third consecutive, second – tenure in the State. Soludo’s second term inauguration carries with it the distinction of not being trailed by a legal challenge of his electoral victory. The development signals a new high in Anambra’s complex politics. What is the secret of the appreciation in Anambra’s politics? Closer attention to the State’s political history reveals two major factors at play in her democratic journey. By the extent and consistency of their influence, these elements have functioned as drivers of political engineering.

As with any other progressive society, Anambra’s gradual turnaround can be traced to a conscious decision to raise the bar. This thirst for development was behind the struggle for splitting the old Anambra State into two. On realisation of the quest in August 1991, the extent of work to be done in the new State was staggering. It was not just the lack of infrastructure but also the challenge of leadership. Although enormity of the task sobered the euphoria of a dream come true, Ndi Anambra quickly went to work. Consensus was soon achieved on the need for a mature candidate, possibly a statesman, in the governorship election which was only four months away. The dire conditions of the State ruled out any chances of trying greenhorns, puppets or political cowboys. Emphasis was laid on rich experience in government or cognate equivalent in private sector. Familiarity with levers of government, international development agencies and financial institutions, were considered crucial for driving the growth of the State. These assets aggregated towards technocracy. Everyone understood the mood. Anambra did not want the ‘professional’ politician. As it were, the portrait fitted the late Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife, a retired federal permanent secretary, who went on to win the keenly contested election. Looking back, Ezeife’s critics at the time now concede that his “conservatism” and frugality were beneficial to the State, with significant government impact achieved in just two years.

This political consciousness did not wane with the interregnum of military rule between late 1993 and mid 1999. In the governorship process of the Fourth Republic, Third Republic Speaker of the House of Representatives, Agunwa Anaekwe, Dr Chinwoke Mbadinuju and Professor Aloysius Nwosu were front runners for the job. When the wheeling and dealing of internal party politics threw up Mbadinuju, there was concern about what the turbulence of his emergence meant. There was a sense of fait accompli which struck down other party options. Dr Alex Ekwueme was pursuing his presidential ambition in the PDP and that foreclosed the other two registered political parties, Alliance for Democracy and All Peoples Party as vehicles for the state governorship. Mbadinuju had recognition as a practicing lawyer and former Special Assistant to the Vice President. The crisis that rocked Mbadinuju’s governorship was not necessarily a case of miscalculation by the electorate. The set qualification was met. It was therefore less an error of judgement by society but majorly abdication of oversight expected of the Ekwueme establishment.

Nevertheless, relevant lessons were learnt from the Mbadinuju episode. The imperative of a strong, independent candidate laid down at creation of the State had proved a lived truth. Majority of Ndi Anambra vowed never again to a stooge of power speculators. This consideration was what set Mr Peter Obi’s candidacy apart from that of Dr Chris Ngige in the 2003 governorship contest. Both had satisfactory resume; one a successful businessman cum corporate captain, the other a veteran of medical and public service. But Obi’s capacity to foot the election bill by himself could not be ignored. Yet, these were not the only parameters. Inclusiveness, fairness and balance are rubrics for a united and stable community. Power shift to another senatorial zone was a foregone conclusion. Between the central and north senatorial districts, the odds weighed in favour of the central. The central zone had better candidates, an assessment proved by the fact that Obi topped the poll scores followed distantly by Ngige. It suffices to note that both performed well within the circumstances they held office. George Moghalu, an unsullied candidate who contested the same 2003 election under the ANPP banner, was hobbled by the fact of being from the south senatorial zone.

Mr Peter Obi’s reelection in 2010 was partly influenced by the zoning factor. While the APGA brand and his reformist leadership counted, the principle of rotation was no less imperative. By the Court of Apppeal decision that Ngige’s declaration as winner of the 2003 election “is hereby set aside” and the Supreme Court pronouncement that Obi as the person first elected “has a four year tenure”, a fundamental shift occurred. Ngige’s three year stay on the saddle, presented a moral problem. It would be grievous miscarriage of justice for Obi as an individual and the central zone as a collective to suffer the consequences of Ngige’s personal gamble. Obi’s qualification for second tenure superceded the status of a truncated, technical period in office. And so in the town hall of Anambra’s politics, the central senatorial district had served only four years. This aggregation of opinion was put to test with the governorship bid of two strong candidates. Andy Uba, the powerful manager, free enterprise section of Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency, vied as Labour Party candidate. Charles Soludo, fresh from aura of Central Bank, ran on the PDP ticket. Both candidates, who hail from the south senatorial zone, lost. Their defeat was seen as a statement on the zoning policy.

There was no debating where the next Governor would come from at the end of Obi’s second tenure in 2014. Anambra North senatorial district was raring to go. But as in all human affairs, understanding varied. Majority of Ndi Anambra were steadfast that the logic of zoning meant the north zone. Just before Willie Obiano won the APGA primaries, there were calls on Professor Charles Soludo to join the race. It was a delicate, uneasy moment as Soludo warmed up to the invitation. But sobriety once more took over. The justness of zoning loomed large, too sharp to be blunted, too bright to be eclipsed. APGA would have had a terrible time trying to discredit a cause it had championed with much conviction and success. What was more, Obiano fitted the technocrat qualification attached to the governorship office. Soludo heeded the voice of superior reasoning, demonstrating by his withdrawal, grace of selflessness, deference to the common good. Ifeanyi Ubah of south zone, considered by some as an irrepressible politician, mounted a challenge to the zoning order by contesting the election. He lost woefully. He would
lose again in 2017 to the zoning formula.

By 2017 when Obiano won his second tenure, the concept of power rotation had appreciably been internalised. It’s inherent merit could not be a respecter of status or fancies. Mr Peter Obi led Oseloka Obaze, the PDP candidate from the south zone, on the campaign trail. It was an ill advised, ego trip seeking to upturn a cordial and working social contract. The move was doomed by the combined effects of Obiano’s sterling performance, the wide acceptance of zoning and appeal of the APGA brand. Aside the occasional attempts at subsuming the zoning agreement to personal whims, there is another explanation for the seemingly blind opposition to it. Many of the politicians who embark on a patent violation of it’s letters are not oblivious of what they are doing. The election they purport to contest is often a dummy to get noticed, draw attention and force themselves into public reckoning. For some others, the outward defiance of zoning is a rehearsal for future polls. Ifeanyi Ubah and Andy Ubah moved from apparently rejecting zoning to contesting the next senatorial elections. It’s also in this context that the insistence of Paul Chukwuma, who hails from Obiano’s north senatorial district in contesting the 2025 governorship poll, makes sense.

Soludo’s election in 2021 and reelection in 2025 confirms that the reign of technocracy and zoning in Anambra’s government and politics is thriving. The trend continues to endure, with great results for society. Soludo’s strides in education, infrastructure and economic development alone are indicative of the store in great leadership. Outside the tangible, social stability is to be appreciated. It has come from a felt sense of proportion and fair play. Steadily, the application of zoning is growing beyond the spheres of APGA. Even after spouting the superiority of open contest, other political parties later bring the wisdom of zoning to bear on the choice of their candidates. It is telling that the contending parties in the November 2025 poll, APC, Labour Party and ADC all picked their candidates from Soludo’s south zone. As the current dispensation gets underway, it’s hoped that the system that has brought Anambra much value will continue to flourish.